Now Washington wants us to fight in Iraq, with or without United
Nations approval. This will cost Australia hundreds of millions of dollars
and an unknown number of lives (of course, Iraqi military and civilian
casualties could be horrendous). It already costs us billions each year to
maintain high-tech forces for US-led coalition war. Indifferent to these
costs, blind to the risks of pre-emption, slavish almost to the point of
self-abnegation, the Government clings to the US as a literal security
blanket.
US missile defence, a still-unproven technology, can do little for us.
We are not threatened with ballistic missile attack. The primitive
missiles possessed by North Korea are wildly inaccurate and, even if
Pyongyang has nuclear weapons (debateable), on the CIA's estimate it has
only one or two. It seems doubtful that these would be wasted on us.
But missile defence is fuelling a renewed nuclear arms race in our
region. Russia and China have reacted by starting to upgrade their nuclear
forces. Beijing has tested dummy or decoy warheads. Even assuming that its
denials of having already done so can be accepted, sooner or later it will
test Multi-Independent Re-entry Vehicle warheads (MIRVs) - multiple
nuclear warheads on the one missile. India will react to China's moves,
Pakistan to India's and so on in the deadly escalation cycle of arms
races.
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The Bush administration's pre-emption policy sets dangerous precedents.
If Washington can attack other countries pre-emptively, so too can anyone
who feels (or claims to feel) threatened. Similarly, US withdrawal from
the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty caused Russia to abandon the START II
nuclear arms control agreement. North Korea suddenly felt able to threaten
withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. If Washington can
walk away from arms control treaties, so can anyone else who feels like
it.
Bush's arrogant unilateralism is a problem for many strong US allies.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation has been severely fractured by
Washington's drive for pre-emptive war against Iraq. In almost no liberal
democracy, including Australia, is there popular support for a war without
UN approval.
At best, the new strategic paper is a half-way house on the road to
realistic and affordable security policies. The demands it places on
taxpayers are unsustainable and should not be supported. There is no call
(other than populist) for a "khaki budget"; we can meet our
needs by reducing some traditional capabilities and funding new ones with
savings.
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