How to build a Chinese leader

Each morning, the Chinese ministry of Culture sends an email out to media outlets throughout the country, in what jaded journalists have come to call 'directives from the ministry of Truth,' an apt homage to what is arguably George Orwell's most famous work, 1984.

The emails specify what news is prohibited outright as well as what is to be 'propagandized' a word which in Chinese, doesn't have quite the same negative connotations of manipulation as it does in the West.

These directives invariably offer an insight into the workings and fears of the ruling communist party and one can learn far more from what the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) wants to hide, than from what they publicize.

One of the recent directives however, seemed rather strange. On the 17^th of April the Ministry of Truth commanded that no coverage was to be given to the trial of Beijing lawyer Li Zhuang.

In 2008, Li had been involved in a high profile corruption case in Chongqing. It was alleged that he had enticed his client into providing false testimony. The case was one element of a wider crackdown on organized crime in Chongqing. Li is already in jail on similar charges relating to another client – a mafia boss who was also involved in the organized crime crackdown.

The case had attracted a lot of unwanted publicity and was widely viewed as government interference in the legal system. Unsurprisingly the government was keen to avoid any further commentary. This in itself wasn't unusual. What happened later was.

The prosecution withdrew their charges and the new charges against Li were dropped. Very quickly it was all over the media, and the Ministry of Truth had seemingly changed their tone.

The question arises – why was this case so high-profile? Why would the CCP want to interfere in a relatively minor corruption case? Why was it covered up, only to be promoted as soon as the charges were dropped?

Unless of course, Li was an obstacle in the 'propagandizing' of the next generation of China's leaders, a man that in 2010 was named by Time Magazine as one of the world's 100 most influential people – Bo Xilai.

Although the west often views China's leadership transitions with understandable suspicion, the requirements of the times choose the leader - but only after the CCP have analyzed what kind of leader will be necessary, and groomed them as such.

Corruption has always been one of the top threats on the radar of the CCP. Keep in mind that the Tiananmen square protests weren't about democratic reform except insofar as that was one possible solution to endemic corruption. In China, corruption has been the most common excuse to seek vengeance upon enemies or rivals for thousands of years and what the CCP fears most are public revolts driven by anger at widening income disparities and endemic corruption.

Thus, the next generation of China's leaders will need to have a tough attitude when it comes to corruption – or at least, be seen to have a tough attitude. They need someone who, at least in the public eye, is dynamic, a defender of justice, a champion of the poor, a savvy media operator and most importantly, tough on crime. Somebody like this is actually pretty tough to find amongst the CCP's culture of guangxi (connections) and fossilized, droning speeches.

So if you can't find one, make one.

Bo Xilai is the committee secretary for Chongqing municipality. He's also the son of Bo Yibo, one of China's revered 8 immortals, who are China's most esteemed revolutionaries – essentially they are the godfathers of the CCP.

He's had a glittering career. He's held senior posts in Liaoning province and Dalian city, both of which boomed under his stewardship, even more so than most other growth centres.

Recently, Bo Xilai has done an admirable job of weeding out Chongqing's entrenched elements of organized crime and he's done so in the public eye. As the New York Times described it, it involved: "more than 9,000 suspects, 50 public officials, a petulant billionaire and criminal organizations that dabbled in drug trafficking, illegal mining, and random acts of savagery."

And unlike many officials, Bo has been happy to pose for the cameras and make comments on the importance of morality.

He has, it would seem, to have learned a few things from Western politicians.

All of which is undoubtedly a fine achievement. Given that it happened at lightning pace after Bo took the helm as Committee Secretary in Chongqing, much of the credit can be laid at his feet.

It would indeed be a fine achievement, were it not for a few nagging doubts, the most prominent of which was named Li Zhuang (although he was wise enough to avoid mentioning names, instead sticking to procedural discrepancies which is most probably why the recent charges were dropped).

Indeed, the legal fraternity throughout China has been watching the case in silent fear, knowing that a similar fate could befall them in the event that they mistakenly defend someone that has been marked as a stepping stone for career advancement.

They may also be taking note of the fact that while he was the government of Liaoning province, allegations of torture at the hands of police increased dramatically.

Or they may be considering the fact that at that same time, a journalist came into possession of a document detailing widespread corruption throughout Liaoning province, including one official who was making payments to 29 different mistresses.

To Bo's credit, the documents didn't list him as one of those who was corrupt, however he was covering the tracks of friends and relatives who were.

The journalist who discovered the documents, Jiang Weiping, was jailed for six years for his efforts.

Ultimately, it would seem that the case against Li Zhuang was drawing far too much attention and should be aborted, lest it draw further attention to Bo. Besides, Li was already in jail, and even though he is nearing the end of his 18 month sentence, he is unlikely to make more trouble.

At the street level, Bo Xilai’s image is undoubtedly a positive one. Even those who know of his past tend to view these matters on balance, and the booming economies of Dalian, Liaoning and Chongqing speak to his successes more loudly than the darker parts of his story. His face is a fresh one, one that isn’t afraid to make what appear as unscripted remarks. Abstract concepts, such as an alarming disregard for the concept of an independent judiciary tend to figure lower on the Chinese list of priorities when ranked against economic success. At least, they do for the time being.

Bo’s success seems assured, but there are many factions within the CCP and it takes them a long time to pull the right strings and manoeuvre their preferred candidates into position.

Many will undoubtedly be hoping his career comes to an abrupt end before his power reaches its zenith. Bo Xilai is already the face of an influential faction and his power is steadily growing.

As he rises to the top of the CCP and emerges as one of the next generation of leaders, how he manages to reconcile his approach of sidelining the judiciary with his tough-on-crime persona will be interesting to watch, although it is more than likely they will end up complementing one another.