In early November a group of environmental scientists, the Wentworth
Group, released a Blueprint
for a Living Continent. The blueprint received extensive media
coverage and consideration at the highest levels of government. What
weight should be given to the Blueprint? Have the scientists got it right?
Where is the debate?
Sensibly, the Wentworth Group is building on the back of the
drought-induced public awareness of the state of our environment. However,
the Blueprint needs to be critically reviewed. It should be the beginning
of a public debate, not the end of it.
Scientific reductionism is alive and well
The Wentworth scientists, like moths to a light, promote a fatal
reductionism. They advocate a water policy isolated from considerations of
the economic, social, spiritual and biophysical realities of our
ecosystems. The lessons of history - even our recent history - are
forgotten, not learned. We struggle with the narrowly conceived national
program on salinity. We forget the lack of impact of the equally narrowly
conceived tree programs of the 1980s. Most astoundingly, we forget that we
are now wrestling with the aftermath of the father of all reductionist
programs, the Snowy scheme.
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Surely the lesson is that there are grave risks in dealing in isolation
with one part of the ecosystem. There is no recovery from such a
reductionist position. The total ecological jigsaw is greater than the sum
of the bits. Once the elements become packaged separately - into their own
administrative and policy boxes as is proposed - wild horses will not pull
them back together.
Property rights
The Wentworth Group puts its considerable weight behind the runaway
train that is the alleged need to better define property rights. Although
the Group sensibly defines the water right in terms of it being "a
right to use a proportion of available water for a finite time" just
how this removes the uncertainty allegedly limiting investment,
development and environmental flows is far from clear. And in any event,
has the certainty of land rights prevented land degradation? Quite the
contrary one might attest.
The reality is that water rights are vested in the State. What we are
looking at here is a claim on public resources reminiscent of the squatter
claims on land. We need to examine the basis for these claims and what
might be the national benefit from meeting those claims. As the Group
says, there is only one cake and for every allocated litre there is one
litre not available for an alternative allocation.
In a novel yet bizarre twist, the Group suggests that uncertainty about
water property rights flows through to uncertainty about the obligations
associated with water use. One might have thought that the water user
plagued by any such uncertainty might take surety from a clearly regulated
need not to pollute.
Market mechanisms
For over two centuries Australian agriculture has operated within
institutional arrangements that have defined land rights and enabled
market-based transfer of those rights. Over the same period we have
extensively degraded our land resource. However, this has not deterred the
Wentworth Group and others from the notion that applying similar
arrangements to water will markedly improve the environmental impact of
how we use water.
The Group acknowledges the self-interest of large water businesses
("the history of water development in Australia is a history of
articulate interest groups seeking to have water used for their
advantage") yet it promotes the establishment of a market mechanism
to give expression to those interests.
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Curiously, the Group advocates that "from 2006, water trading
could be limited to those with water".
The point to be made here is that although the market can be a useful
tool to give expression to the values of a community, the market does not
establish those values.
Furthermore, there are values that lie beyond commodification, beyond
the ability of markets to sensibly price resources for exchange.
Environmental flows fall into this category, as do many landscape
attributes.
Best practice
The Wentworth Group, like many technically deterministic groups and
individuals before it, is apparently sufficiently confident in our
understanding of the biophysical features of our landscapes to assert that
there are best practices that should be applied universally within and
across catchments. Land managers applying these best practices would be
exempt from economic costs. Such approaches do not account for the
heterogeneity that exists in our landscapes, they constrain creativity and
cycles of continuous learning and they stifle innovation.
The Group proposes that farmers (and others?) ought to be paid for
ecoservices and the example they list is the provision of clean water.
Does that mean that farmers should be paid for not polluting water? Nice
work if you can get it!
Tax policy
The quicksand foundation for the Wentworth blueprint is perhaps most
evident (and unsurprisingly so) when they enter the field of tax policy.
These leading environmental scientists are "not advocating another
new tax" but rather merely that "a major investment of public
capital is needed", that "we can't expect farmers to pay the
full cost of repairing past mistakes", that we "might add a one
cent levy onto income tax", that "taxpayers should not be
expected to support bad land management policies" [sic], and that
"we need to ensure that our tax systems support sustainability".
Elsewhere they suggest that the needed capital investment might come from:
- consolidated revenue (tax!);
- the full sale of Telstra (direct transfer of public assets to
private interests);
- an environmental levy (new tax); and/or
- incorporating environmental costs into the cost of producing food
and fibre (so the higher the pollution cost the greater the price!).
The efficiency and equity implications of these various proposals are
not detailed. Perhaps it might be better on both counts if we took stock
of what responsibilities farmers should have. If individuals can't meet
these responsibilities then they should be encouraged and helped into
another occupation.
National Commission
The Group proposes the establishment of a National Commission to set
priorities and national targets, accredit institutions and plans and to
recommend the funding of investment priorities - a Commission to be
managed by an independent board of experts in salinity, biodiversity and
community capacity building.
We need to look closely at this proposition for it is the forerunners
of these experts who have given us the agricultural practices we have
today.
A way forward
The first step is to accept that water rights don't equate to
environmental policy and water rights don't equate to an ecologically
sustainable development policy.
The second step is to recognise that market-based mechanisms are only
as effective as the regulation that governs the operation of the market -
and this regulation needs to be based on sound ecological and equity
foundations.
We need a broadly based consideration of what Australians want from
their rural landscapes. We need to be informed, by independent analyses,
of the role of agriculture in the Australian economy. How is it that the
non-corporate agricultural farm sector pays no net income tax? How is it
that there is no economic growth in the agricultural sector
notwithstanding enormous increases in the volume of production (achieved
at what environmental and social costs)? How is it that we do not have a
public debate in Australia on the multiple functions of agriculture and of
farming more broadly?
The answers are simple. It is not in the interests of captured
agricultural support agencies and politicians to lead such a debate. And
farm organisations mistakenly believe it is not in their interests to lead
such a debate.
The problem is that we have outdated institutional arrangements. They
lock us into our past, and they deny opportunities for change. We need
more diverse, contestable and open innovation systems. We need policies
that build on the responsibility of consumers and managers - including
land managers - not to pollute.