The term "religious right" brings to mind ultra-conservative Christians who seek to influence governments to adopt their faith based systems of morality as an integral part of governance. The term originates in the US, and research proves the religious right has close links to the Tea Party Movement.
Commentators such as Chris Lewis and Peter Hartcher have recently remarked on the possibility of a Tea Party emerging in Australia, and it's likely that were something similar (adapted to local conditions) to evolve in this country, our own religious right would back such a movement.
The religious right in NSW
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In NSW the Liberals have directed their Upper House second preferences in next weekend's election to the Christian Democrats. This decision increases Upper House CDP candidate Paul Green's chances of being elected - and a Christian Democrats and Shooters and Fishers party controlled Legislative Assembly.
Religions already have considerable influence in state politics. For example, church schools in NSW are exempted from anti-discrimination legislation in that they may expel homosexual studentsentirely on the grounds of their sexual preference. Both major parties support this exemption.
Churches are also exempt from anti-discrimination legislation in the matter of employmentbeing free to refuse employment or to sack employees solely on the grounds of their sexual preference. This is also supported by both major parties.
In 2009, the Wesley Mission in NSW won the right to refuse a same sex couple as foster carers. There was no dispute that the applicants were rejected on the basis of their homosexuality. The Wesley Mission argued that they were exempt under section 56 of the Anti-Discrimination Act 1977.
The ACL in Parliament House
The Australian Christian Lobby recently held a Make it Count pre-election event in Parliament House, with Premier Kristina Keneally and Opposition Leader Barry O'Farrell as speakers.
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According to the ACL website: The big policy commitment from the night was from both leaders was not to legislate away key protections for religious freedom on employing staff in Christian organisations.
The rise, stumble, and rise again of David Clarke
When considering the religious right in NSW, it's impossible to overlook Liberal Member of the NSW Upper House, David Clarke.
Described by Kristina Keneally in 2006 as "the godfather of the extremist right of the Liberal Party," Clarke has connections to right wing Catholic sect Opus Dei, and has been viewed as a major power broker in the Liberal Party.
Supported by Federal Opposition Leader Tony Abbott, Clarke's position has been under threat since 2010 from more moderate forces in the NSW Liberal Party. However, he has recently been identified as one of the State Opposition's "faceless men" tipped to exert considerable influence over Barry O'Farrell to install conservative Christian MPs in Cabinet, should the party win government.
Clarke is also a supporter of shadow attorney-general and Liberal Member for Epping Greg Smith as a future party leader. Smith is a former president of the anti-choice NSW Right to Life Association, and Clarke himself is reputed to have recruited party members on the strength of whether they took an anti-abortion stand or not.
Dissent is divisive and censorship is fundamental
The religious right belief is that to succeed, a society must operate within a framework of common assumptions. Dissent is divisive and must be smothered. Censorship through protest is a cornerstone of what some describe as a dominionist theological form of political ideology, and a sexually and socially ultra-conservative theocracy.
Christian conservatives have profound issues with homosexuals, public representations of female sexuality, abortion, divorce, the role of women in society and marriage, censorship and popular culture, and the sexualisation of children. (On the latter I share some of their concerns.)
(A warning; if you open the society and marriage link,turn off your sound unless you want your senses assailed by the most spectacularly awful piano rendition of Rock of Ages known to humankind, rivaled only by the pianist accompanying Elvis's cover of Unchained Melody circa 1977.)
Narratives of propaganda
Moral campaigners are not required to provide any evidence that the object of their disapproval is what they say it is. They simply have to use florid rhetorical propaganda to frighten enough petitioners so that corporations will be equally frightened, and for the sake of peace and unwanted attention, pull the offending material.
If at all possible, Christian conservative propagandists such as the ACL will also make at times extremely tenuous links to the welfare of children. The threat of being promoted as acting against the interests of children will cause just about anybody to fall to their knees, begging the Christian conservatives for mercy.
The US neo-cons, Tea Party supporters and the religious right are enabled in their endeavours by such luminaries as Rupert Murdoch, and his Fox News media slaves Bill O'Reilly, the Mormon convert Glenn Beck (renowned for his incendiary rhetoric) and Megyn Kelly. Fox News is apparently the trusted news source for a majority of Tea Party followers, more than twice as high as in the general population.
In Australia we have the rabid rants of radio shock jocks. Not in the same league by any means, but they exist and they have their followers, to the extent that prime ministers are keen to be interviewed by powerful shock jocks. Even when the shock jock, in a routine attack of megalomania, tells them off on air for their tardiness.
Another shared religious right/Tea Party/ neo-con propaganda tactic was recently taken to new heights by Sarah Palin's Got you in the cross hairs campaign against US Democrats who voted for healthcare reform. The use of Palin's hysterical hyperbole (reminiscent of Australian shock jocks on the topic of refugees) to whip up mass emotional reactions against the Democrats has been linked to the assassination attempt on US congresswoman Gabrielle Gifford.
Let's just keep an eye on them all
On the eve of the NSW election, we should take note of the US experience with the religious right and Tea Party movements.
While our societies are very different, and the replication of either movement is unlikely, the elements exist in Australian state and federal politics. There are conservative Christian politicians in both arenas who make no secret of the influence of their faith on their political decisions, and of their desire to exert a great deal more influence over society than they currently manage.
There are right wing Christian activists who seek to have enormous power over society and culture, and who support and work through religious right politicians to implement legislation based on their beliefs. The ingredients are present. La possibilité existe.
Fix the roads, dammit!
What has been most interesting about this election is the rage I've heard expressed whenever I've asked people what they're thinking. Perhaps it's just the people I know, but almost everyone has expressed frustrated fury at both major parties. Even life long Labor supporters have lost themselves in angry rants, and the despair at a lack of a substantial alternative is palpable. "I don't want to talk about it!" has been a common cry.
I've hardly been able to bring myself to take any notice of it at all - so thoroughly fed up am I with the shenanigans of all concerned.
My personal fury is provoked almost daily when I risk life and limb on a particularly horrendous stretch of the Pacific Highway that I have to negotiate to get to anywhere from the village in which I live. I know complaining about the roads is dull and boring, but Mother of God, try driving a one-lane highway that's covered in patches like asphalt band-aids, while up to twenty b-doubles bear down on you at speeds that you know they won't be able to control if you have to slow down to avoid a kangaroo at dusk.
Now if the religious right would take a crack at fixing that they'd be doing something useful. But apparently God isn't that interested in the state of the NSW roads. It's not considered a moral issue in heaven or on earth.