Australians know little or nothing about the secret war, the guerrilla
war going on against workers - they have heard very little about the new
militancy and terrorist tactics adopted by employers and their managers.
Many Australians will have personal stories about skirmishes or battles
in their workplace, or the battle scars from a supervisors ravings and
rantings, but they won't connect these incidents with the wider war and the
new militancy of the bosses.
And that is in good part because the media has largely withdrawn from
covering work issues and the trade union movement.
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In Sydney today the main newspaper read in the working-class suburbs, The
Daily Telegraph, does not have a full-time labour reporter - one of that
paper's Macquarie St parliamentary reporters is expected to keep an eye on
the industrial round, at the same time as he keeps an eye on State politics,
especially the coming election.
The big quality broadsheet paper the SMH has a 'veteran' IR reporter in
Brad Norington - but nowadays he seems unable to get anything in that paper
unless it is about Labor Party-Union strife, or some internecine
factional battle or election inside a major union.
Even the ABC has in recent times allowed the field of regular reporting
of IR to lapse.
Only the news wire service AAP has a dedicated full-time industrial
reporter in Natalie Davison. She covers the traditional IR beat - and her
copy supplies most of the knowledge about the struggle of working families
that is irregularly picked up by the both the SMH and The Daily Telegraph as
well as commercial radio in this city.
In recent weeks Natalie has not been available to report on the general
IR round because she - like several other industrial rounds reporters - has
been caught up with the Cole Royal Commission. This Commission has
successfully focussed almost all Sydney, and national media, on lurid
allegation about violence in the building industry.
The little space given to work issues completely disappeared while Cole
was in Sydney, because the Royal Commission sucked up the daily 'quota' of
media space given to IR stories.
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While the collapse of the industrial round is the probably most extreme
in Sydney it is reflected in most other states. Melbourne though is a little
different. In large part, because the ACTU is based in Melbourne, that city
has a lot more reporters dedicated to covering the IR round on a full-time
basis.
Mark Phillips, the Herald Sun's full-time industrial reporter, gets,
almost on a daily basis, one, two or three traditional IR stories about
stoppages and disputes into that paper - it is hard to understand why his
working-class readership are more interested in these issues than Sydney's
Daily Telegraph readers who - in marketspeak - have similar demographics.
An inkling that the retreat from industrial reporting may also be on in
Melbourne might be read into the fact that at The Age this round has
recently dropped from being a two-person round to a one-person round. Paul
Robinson is now left by himself to keep an eye on these issues - but at
least he is getting more copy into his paper about the travails of working
life, and less about internal union disputes, than happens at the sister
Fairfax paper in Sydney.
And let's not talk about that other Fairfax paper, The Australian
Financial Review, where in recent months they seem to have gone from two
roundspeople to zip.
The legendary metalworkers union leader Laurie Carmichael once used to
enthusiastically tell his militant union delegates not to read the Daily
Telegraph, not to buy the Herald Sun, but get the AFR and read it on the way
to work if you wanted to know industrial relations, and get a fair and
balanced account of what was happening and what the bosses were thinking.
This retreat from coverage of the industrial round is part of a worldwide
media trend. In the USA media observers say the retreat began in the late
60s - so that today the AFL-CIO claims there is no more than a dozen labor
reporters nationally.
And most of the reporting of unions and their membership is buried in the
back part of the paper as part of the business pages because in the USA
labour is reported as a cost-input, rarely as a human story about the tragic
lives of low-paid workers trying to live in the heart of the beast.
Up till the start of the Accord era, here in Australia, the industrial
round was considered one of the plum beats for journalists - especially
ambitious young journalists would brawl with each other to get an
opportunity to report Brother Ducker's words.
To get ahead in the media you had to have 'done' industrial reporting.
Well into the early 80s, on the 7th floor of the Sussex St Labor
Council's office in Sydney, there was always a hive of media activity in the
cubbyholes the journalists occupied as part of the IR press gallery.
When I first joined the IR gallery, as a cadet reporter in the mid-70s,
the SMH had three people covering the round; the now defunct afternoon
tabloids (The Sun and The Mirror) had two each; The Daily Telegraph had at
least two and sometimes three people on the round; The Australian had one or
two; AAP had one person and a second person got attached when the round was
busy; the ABC had one full-time TV industrial reporter and one full-time
radio industrial reporter and another reporter when things were busy - and
there was always one or two commercial TV and radio reporters using the
spare cubby hole laughingly called an office.
Industrial reporters would regularly scurry up to the 10th floor to door
stop Ducker, Unsworth and McBean to get the latest on an industrial dispute
- just like the door stops we now see outside Parliament House in Canberra.
(Though there were a hell of a lot more gruff words and "f*ck offs" when
Barrie or the two Johns didn't want to talk).
At the Thursday night weekly Labor Council meeting at least half a dozen
mainstream journalists were there (plus the Community Party's Tribune
journalist) to covering proceedings.
There were then two pubs, on the corner of Sussex and Goulburn Streets,
after hours (wink wink ) you could catch union officials from the Left in
one pub, and union officials from the Right in another - many a half-sodden
journalist would nearly get run over as they crossed Goulburn St going from
one pub to another to pick up the tribal stories.
The Sydney IR gallery was replicated in Victoria where, among the
wonderful old architecture and furniture of the Lygon St Trades Hall, there
was an IR reporters' gallery where - I jealously noted - the media offices
were larger and better appointed than those in Sydney.
Once industrial power became centralised in Melbourne, with Bill Kelty at
the epicentre of the Accord, the NSW Labor Council was seen to be sidelined
and irrelevant. The Sydney IR gallery quickly died - though the Melbourne
Gallery survived, almost intact, for a few more years.
When the centralised Accord era came to an end, industrial relations
became decentralised and the relative importance of the ACTU disappeared,
but the Sydney IR Gallery was never revived and re-created. The Gallery was
dead - and the IR round is now coughing and spluttering.
During this period the nature of work and workplaces changed dramatically
- from big workplaces to miniscule workplaces, from manufacturing and
resources as the dominant employer to the service industries as the job
creator.
It was also the time when the importance of the daily newspaper as the
primary source of news dived dramatically, to be replaced first by TV news -
and now increasingly by the short commercial radio news bulletins which need
to tell sometimes complex stories in seconds.
The media Big Wigs watched these changes and watched union membership
dive, the power of unions rapidly diminish and - probably after a bit of tea
leaf reading with the aide of the marketing department - decided their
readers and their viewers and listeners were just not interested in learning
about unions and strikes any more.
Now even the ABC and the AFR seem to be going down the same track.
Important stories are just going unreported. And the less working people
and their unions appear in the media the less relevant we seem to the
community.
We all know the line - which comes first the chicken or the egg?
Very few unions in Australia put the time into getting media attention
for their battles - let alone their victories.
Few unions factor a media strategy into their organising campaigns - the
media is always an afterthought
Unions such as the AMWU can still, relatively easily, get a hearing - but
it is not because of the human crisis facing their membership but rather the
cost on the economy, and business people, that comes from a large
manufacturing dispute involving their members.
In smaller states - especially where union power is still strong, and
membership is relatively high, and there is a State Labor Government and the
competition for media space is less aggressive - some unions are still
getting more than a modicum of news coverage ... or at least better than
what we see in Sydney.
But there are so many qualification here you can see that if one or other
of these struts disappear the coverage of union issues in those States will
also quickly dissipate.
Some American unions are slowly building a new strategy of getting, not
their union leaders, but their members to talk to the media about the real,
stark and personal issues facing working people - providing the human-interest stories that the media craves.
The Justice for Janitors campaign run by the Service Employees
International Union has been a particularly good example of pushing members,
rather than union officials, in front of the TV cameras.
These workers are getting viewers pulling out their hankies as they hear
stories of poor immigrant women trying to make a go of it in LA or NY - and
the violence sometimes meted out as they try to stand up for themselves.
It doesn't always work.
The AFL-CIO is loudly complaining at the moment that an expensive
exercise of having a Senate inquiry - organised by Democrat Senator Ted
Kennedy - listen to dozens of workers complaints and harrowing personal
stories about America's unfair anti-union laws went largely unreported.
While the Senate inquiry was on, the BIG industrial story reported by
almost all media was the labour dispute involving the millionaire members of
the Major League Baseball Players Association.
Here in Australia we don't (yet) have this culture of union activists and
delegates speaking out and giving the personal human-interest story which
lies behind almost every dispute.
The collapse of the industrial round means unions need to work out
alternative strategies of getting their story into the media.
Instead of just developing a relationship with the now almost
non-existent industrial reporter, and ringing them up to give them a news
tip, (no not about some dinner with Simon Crean talking about internal
labour movement stuff) unions need to develop relationships with other
reporters on other news rounds.
Health reporters should get the industrial angle to their round.
Entertainment and tourism industry reporters should get to understand the
travails of workers on their beat.
And they shouldn't be just talking to the union leadership but also to
our 'expert' members, the health worker, the casino worker, the child care
worker and the shop assistant who can give real life examples, and
interesting personal stories to the media.
The drop away in union membership has stopped. We can perceive a slight
growth in our numbers.
As the organising model, now adopted by unions around the country, wins
more members and more power in the workplace, we can hope, and expect, the
media to give working people, their workplaces and their unions more
coverage, more space in their pages and more time on the airwaves.
The growth of working peoples' power and respect in the workplace will
deliver more media column inches - but union organisers can help it along by
incorporating media strategies into their organising campaigns which will
deliver the voice of members across the media airwaves into the lounge rooms
of the people we want to organise.