Of course the Australian class system has also contributed to the two-party system, although it is now no longer a major factor in what has become a predominantly middle class society.
Finally Thompson favours the Swedish electoral system, which is proportional but based on single member districts for 80 per cent of MPs. This is then topped up with additional MPs representing 20 per cent, a form of Additional Member System, to ensure proportionality of parties.
This is somewhat comparable to the New Zealand PR system introduced later. The basic philosophy behind it is that this system would give representation to minorities in the single-member electorates. Also there is a belief in MPs connecting with and working for all their constituents, including those favouring other parties than the MP. This combination was seen to be a good compromise.
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The current election crisis following the hung Parliament has again brought the major flaws of Australia's electoral system and constitution in focus. The new strength of the Greens derives from the voters' dissatisfaction with the major parties, the Senate's PR system and their own growing credibility. Amazingly electoral reform is still only talked about as primarily solving problems with funding disclosure and the limitations on especially corporate donations. Public and private financial support certainly grossly favours the major parties as the first Electoral Reform Inquiries of last year demonstrated. However, if the Greens and the Independents do not use the opportunity to question the entire electoral system and bring about major change they may find that they have to wait another 33 years before they get another chance. Furthermore, according to the expectations of Horne, a catastrophe as a result of a dysfunctional and archaic constitution, may well happen much sooner than that.
Australia should move rapidly to the kind of proportional representation used in most countries, i.e. the Open Party List System (rather than the Hare-Clark system which is what is best known here). Hare-Clark is suited to small assemblies such as local government and for the Upper Houses of states. The emphasis is on the role of individuals rather than parties.
The party list systems are used in 36 countries around the world and, with rare exceptions, have in fact been stable and effective. Most newly independent countries since World War II have adopted a party list system. It requires only one vote to indicate the voter’s preference for a particular party among multiple parties and Independents; and in an Open Party System that one vote can also indicate which particular candidate on a list is favoured. There is no preferencing involved. It is a simple, democratic, cost effective system that provides diversity in parliaments and introduces a culture to seek common ground to achieve governing majorities.
Can Australia afford to squander this opportunity to achieve a real paradigm shift? Can even the major parties turn their back on long overdue reform of the electoral system and the constitution?
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