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How China harmonises the West

By Chin Jin - posted Tuesday, 22 June 2010


The next would-be Chinese leader Xi Jinping has just made a four-nation diplomatic blitz with Australia as the final leg of his tour.

Xi’s trip to Australia embodied the essence of the Chinese Government’s foreign policies: striving for mutual benefit; win-win outcomes, and in-depth co-operation. What are in reality subtle Chinese diplomatic strategies and ploys have been tacitly accepted by the Australian Government.

Both the Rudd Labor government and the former Howard Coalition government have maintained a pragmatic business-like relationship with China. For Beijing, there is a no-go area of democracy, liberty, the rule of law and human rights where it doesn’t want western countries to trespass. Based on their needs for trade and considerations of national interest western countries, including Australia, have been mostly ready to go along with this special condition. Despite the great contrast between political systems, and concern in western countries about the lack of human rights, the West has mostly put aside disputes in a utilitarian manner.

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In this way, the West has accepted the “win-win” rhetoric proposed by China. From Beijing’s point of view, the West is gradually being “harmonised” by Chinese policy. This is the reality the world is facing.

Let’s have a look at this possible future Chinese leader, Mr Xi Jinping. When it comes to talent and ability, Xi doesn’t appear to be near any of his predecessors, namely Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao.

Mao was an unscrupulous, audacious and capable leader, who defeated Chiang Kai Shek, conquered mainland China and imposed ruthless policies, causing the deaths of more than 70 million people.

Deng was able to make his political comeback after multiple dismissals and returns.

Jiang was an opportunist, winning the favour of the Party elders to become the succeeding leader.

Hu came from relative obscurity but he severely quelled the March 1989 Tibetan political unrest, showing his iron fist in a velvet glove, thus paving the way to his future presidency.

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What is Xi’s main qualification to be heir apparent? It appears to be only his surname: he is the son of Xi Zhongxun, a liberal-minded Chinese communist veteran who staunchly supported economic reform in 1978 when he was Party chief of Guangdong province. Xi Zhongxun was an important local leader in China’s post-1978 economic reforms, and his enlightened thoughts arose from his previous experience of political persecution. Xi Zhongxun was meritorious in Chinese politics, which doubtlessly benefits his son Xi Jinping, positioning the latter to be a future political leader.

Both the Chinese authorities and the Chinese people have some sort of expectation for Xi Jinping. The official elite will have a sense of security if Xi takes over. Should a person of such a background gain power, the possibility of him betraying the official orthodoxy appears to be low. Meanwhile ordinary Chinese people are not hostile to Xi, not because of his political record so far, but due to his father’s liberal-minded attitudes and good reputation. But in the end, the expectations of ordinary Chinese are irrelevant, as they have no right to have their voice heard on the issue of leadership succession. That matter is decided by Chinese political elites behind closed doors.

When visiting South America in February 2009, Xi Jinping delivered an impromptu speech which is summarised as follows. “Some foreigners, who are well-fed but have nothing to do, try to find faults in our domestic affairs. Firstly, China does not export revolution; secondly, China does not export hunger and poverty; Thirdly, China does not torment you. What else have you got to say?”

Obviously Xi was impatient at criticism of China’s abuses of human rights. But his attitude reveals how things have changed in recent years. When the Chinese economy was less important to the West, Beijing found itself in an awkward position, pretended to listen to criticism from western countries and accepted requests for talks on human rights. Nowadays the Chinese economy is much more robust, and the government is much less willing to listen to lecturing from other countries.

When Prime Minister Kevin Rudd visited China in 2008 he made a speech at Peking University criticising the serious human rights situation in Tibet. If the Prime Minister had tried to repeat that sort of thing to Xi Jinping during his stay in Australia, Mr Rudd could have expected to receive a bluntly impolite response from a bold Mr Xi. But to keep the growing business relationship on an even keel, Australia will not run the risk of offending the Chinese government.

China’s impressive economic development contrasts with the backwards and reactionary nature of her political system. There was a simplistic view held by some in the West that once China achieved substantial economic growth, liberty and democracy would automatically arrive. That clearly hasn’t happened. The Communist Party regime, backed by three million PLA soldiers and two million armed police, maintains its monopoly of power by force. Nevertheless China is changing, and the changes are not helpful to the regime.

The Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989 was a watershed in Chinese social development. Before then, there was a trend of democratisation among officials and the people. After Tiananmen that tendency became extinct. But current social problems and conflicts are much more severe than ever. While elites enjoy wealth and some freedom, ordinary people do not. Political power is confined to the Chinese communist party, and this absolute political power results in the absolute corruption of party officials. Social injustice is omnipresent, and the grievances and anger of the powerless populace are mounting. The recent industrial disputes at Honda and Foxconn are simply the tip of the iceberg.

Xi Jinping’s activities during his visit to Australia were largely symbolic. The relationship of the two governments will continue to be warm. The “win-win” and “in-depth co-operation” between the two governments will be further consolidated. Both the Chinese Communist Party and Xi will be satisfied. But the groans of the Chinese people under the misrule of the CCP will increase. On present trends, an eruption of the Chinese social volcano could be looming. There is a famous Chinese saying: “Things always reverse themselves after reaching an extreme” or “Out of the depths of misfortune comes bliss”.

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About the Author

Dr Chin Jin is a maverick, activist, campaigner, essayist, freelancer, researcher and organizer with the vision to foresee a new post-Chinese Communist regime era that will present more cooperatively, more constructively and more appropriately to the Asia Pacific region and even the world.

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