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What to do about Tibet?

By Graeme Mills - posted Friday, 4 April 2008


In the last few weeks I have tried to present another perspective to the current protests in Tibet. I have tried to argue my case in a consistent and respectful way. Having presented another perspective, I would now like to suggest a way forward and answer my friend's question, "What would I do about Tibet?"

I watched the television coverage of the joint media conference by President George Bush and Prime Minister Kevin Rudd. Their respective answers on the issue of Tibet were informative. Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, in a measured and articulate response, called on the Chinese Government to recognise the concerns about human rights abuses and suggested that discussions with the Dalai Llama would be productive. President George Bush then said that he had rung Hu Jintao and told him the same thing. He then praised Kevin Rudd’s obvious expertise on China.

The tone of Kevin Rudd’s response was respectful and measured. The tone of George Bush’s response was self-satisfied with a touch of arrogance.

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This morning I talked to my wife Xiaosui (degree, teacher, historian, successful businesswoman, mother, born in 1966, father branded a counter-revolutionary so the entire family suffered during the Cultural Revolution) and asked her how the West could best approach the Chinese Government on this issue.

I did this because I have come to realise since meeting and marrying Xiaosui that my knowledge of China is basic to reasonable, but more importantly, my understanding of the Chinese mind is rudimentary at best.

The following is based on her response. She could do it herself in Chinese, as she is an excellent writer and highly articulate. However, most of the readers could not read it. She does not feel that she could do justice in her second language, which she has only been using for a little over one year now.

In the West we hold proudly to the notion of “freedom of speech”. This allows vociferous fringe elements to loudly voice their opinion, usually with personal verbal abuse. Heaping disrespect and verbal abuse on our politicians is a time-honoured sport. It is the way we do things. In our societies it works. It is robust and brings out the issues.

Xiaosui points out that in China for most of their history, arguably until 1979, China has been ruled by one person; a King up until 1911, then Mao as a dictator from 1949. The usual response, throughout Chinese history, to dissent or personal criticism of the King was to have the entire family killed. Xiaosui points out that this notion is held deeply within the Chinese consciousness.

Mostly people learned, assiduously, to mind their own business. The way to have wrongs re-dressed or things done was to petition the King. It was still fraught with danger, particularly if you by-passed a powerful Governor, but it was available. Naturally, it had to be done respectfully and be well supported.

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Xiaosui points to recent history where the Governor of the Guanxi Province was executed for fraud and corruption. People in Guanxi petitioned the Government in Beijing. The Governor was investigated and found guilty. The system may not work perfectly, but how perfectly does it work in the West?

Freedom of speech was not possible under Mao. Criticism of Mao or the government was met with severe punishment. Deng Xiaoping loosened the shackles and allowed criticism of the government and open discussion. People in China are slowly warming to this idea. Small peaceful demonstrations, in a park or a government building, are allowed without a permit. Large Demonstrations are now allowed with a police presence and government permission.

It may not be as open as the West, but it is happening. If the demonstration is peaceful then there is no intervention. If it is not and there is danger to people and property, then the police step in. Permits are required for large demonstrations mainly for the purpose of traffic control and police presence, similar to the West.

There is debate in the West that the requirement of any permit is a de facto form of state control. The same argument applies to China, no doubt. I have seen quite large “demonstrations” myself with the police standing around looking extremely bored. China has come a long way since Mao, when criticism, even within the home, could be dangerous.

Within China, the exception is a demonstration that openly challenges the power of the government, in effect, the Communist Party. That will not be tolerated: which leads to the current state of affairs in Tibet.

The information that I have received, which no doubt will be challenged, is that the Chinese Police in Tibet were ordered to monitor the demonstrations but not intervene. It was when the demonstrations turned to violence that intervention became necessary. I would ask that readers give time and wait until more, verifiable, news filters out of Tibet from eye witness accounts (not journalists who have flown in after the event) before coming to any conclusion on that point. I believe there are three Australians, non-journalists, who elected to stay in Lhasa. Their accounts will be interesting.

If a demonstration in the West turns to violence, then the police intervene and the politicians refuse to negotiate with the demonstrators. Once again, I fail to see the difference with China. Ponder that in relation to Tibet.

The point I am trying to make is that respectful and reasoned argument will be listened to. Violence and threats will not. How is that so different to the West?

Think about how you would respond to someone who threatened and verbally or physically abused you. Consider the difference if that person approached you reasonably to discuss the issue. Which do you think would be the most effective approach?

We in the West seem to want everything to happen now. We want instant agreement. Instant action. I would suggest that there seems to be arrogance in that attitude. It is the West that wants to engage with China. It is the West that wants China to consider the issues. Issues the West thinks are important. Surely we should consider how China approaches negotiation and change.

China is a huge country with many and diverse provinces. It has about 1.4 billion people. Change does not happen quickly. However, the first step is getting the government to consider change. I would submit that the West, in general, is going about this in a fundamentally wrong way.

It is seldom that a government of any country agrees to everything that is proposed. It is important to find a first step. With trust and mutual respect that can be built on over time.

I believe Prime Minister Kevin Rudd understands this. In all probability so does President George Bush and the other Western leaders. However, they have to bring their constituencies along with them.

Tibet has been a part of China for several hundred years. There have undoubtedly been good times and bad times. Now is a bad time. The point that the West has to accept is that Tibet is a part of China. That is non-negotiable from the Chinese perspective and they have historical record to back that up.

Xiaosui recounts that the Chinese King who engaged with the newly united Tibet sent his daughter to marry the new King, Song zan gan bu. She also points out that China regarded the people of that region very much the same way that Britain regarded the native inhabitants of the lands they forcibly dragooned into the British Empire, including the Australian Aboriginal. The Chinese King sent his daughter as a mark of respect. He was aware that a positive relationship could only be developed out of respect. I would like to see anyone suggest that the King of England would have sent his daughter to marry an Aboriginal Leader in the late 1700s.

In conclusion, I would suggest the following would be a starting point to engage China in meaningful discussion on this issue:

  1. give the Chinese Government the respect owed to a Nation with 5,000 years of history and to President Hu Jintao, the respect owed to the leader of that nation;
  2. do not ask for the impossible: accept that Tibet is a part of China;
  3. be sure of your ground when supporting the Dalai Llama. On what basis does he speak for all of Tibet?
  4. find a simple basis on which to agree and then build on that; and
  5. give it time.

The Beijing Olympics are an opportunity for the West to positively engage with China. Boycotts and ill-informed, empty rhetoric will destroy that opportunity.

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About the Author

Graeme Mills was born 1955 in a country town. He left for Sydney to go to university and lived there for 20 years before retiring back to the same country town where he now lives. His was mainly in property, finance and development. Graeme holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree (majors in English and History) and a recently acquired Law Degree. He has written two books, both unpublished which he is investigating publishing online. He now has an extended family in China which has given him a whole new focus to life. He set up the BLOGs Dialectic Blue and Kaixin to give vent to this new direction.

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