Free press, free speech - a free nation

Arguably, Kurdish journalism has been as tentative and colourful as the Kurdish struggle for nationhood and freedom. Invariably freedom of the press and free speech are the cornerstone of any sovereign and free nation in control of its cultural and domestic affairs. From the first publication in Kurdistan in 1898, the press has been used in the struggle for nationhood, largely in foreign cities far from the Kurdish plains or up in the midst of the Kurdish mountains.

Recent Kurdish history is anything but the environment of peace, freedom and human rights commonly associated with the well-developed and renowned journalism found in the West.

For the Kurds, still the largest nation without a state, repression, suffering and impoverishment have been ubiquitous.

The media is commonly depicted as an effective communication tool, designed to bind a nation by common news sharing, reporting across a region and so promoting unity and brotherhood. Media is also a powerful and influential tool at the disposal of governments wanting to subjugate and control.

Every long-term authoritarian ruler has used the media to bolster power. The Nazi regime, through a policy of propaganda spearheaded by Josef Goebbels, successfully used journalism to bring an entire nation into their way of thinking. At the same time, by controlling the press, harassing and imprisoning journalists and using heavy censorship, no other group would dare to negatively portray Adolf Hitler’s regime.

As the Kurds have successfully demonstrated, media cannot only be used effectively to control and repress a nation, but also used as a powerful resistance weapon.

The Kurds, in their fight for identity and their resistance to attempts of complete annihilation by successive regimes, soon realised their power, might and artillery were simply no match for the brute force of their repressors. They realised while a Kalashnikov might kill a single target, the pen could reach thousands more.

Furthermore, in the lonely battleground of the mountains - a common sanctuary for resistance fighters - so-called “mountain journalists” can reach out to the international community. Without their help the Kurds would never break free from the chain of repression.

An historic Kurdish folk saying is that they have no friends but the mountains. Kurds were repressed, chemically gassed and denied all cultural and identity rights, without it even registering with the international community. Now, however, with the advent of technology, more effective journalism in Kurdistan and the use of satellite television, Internet and the radio, the world has quickly obtained a much clearer understanding of the fate of the Kurdish people.

This has given the Kurds new visibility and recognition. There is common belief among Kurdish intellectuals that those in the diaspora are now in a much more powerful position to resolve the Kurdish issue.

Journalism is more than just news reporting: it is also an integral vehicle for the spread of idealism, innovation and a sense of community. For a nation, long divided across four countries that inhibit their large Kurdish minorities, there needs to be a regional policy across these host counties.

Syria, Iran and particularly Turkey - which has the largest Kurdish population - have done a remarkable job of censoring the press and denying common rights. They have not allowed a productive and liberal journalism to flourish. Kurdish as well as Turkish and Syrian journalists have been tortured, detained and imprisoned for promoting material against state constitutions and ideals.

With the commencement of talks about Turkish accession to the European Union, the lack of a free media and healthy journalism has come under much scrutiny. Under pressure, Turkey has promised more cultural rights and more liberal broadcasting services for its minorities. This, however, is still far from a free press. Understandably, a pro-Kurdish press would be detrimental to Turkey, reaching across the Kurdish homeland like wildfire.

The fate of Syrian Kurds, long forgotten and marginalised, has recently received well-publicised attention with the ever-increasing spotlight on the Bashar al-Assads Baathist regime. Journalism in Syria has been strangled in the midst of state-sponsored and controlled media. Iran has faired slightly better, but with pro-Kurdish journalists severely restricted, harassed and intimidated.

Moderate Kurdish or pro-state journalists are tolerated to some extent, but in truth a journalist without the freedom to speak out, is powerless. Syria perhaps has the greatest strides to make in allowing journalistic freedom, where just recently a journalism student was imprisoned for three years for posting some pictures of a peaceful demonstration on the Internet: a medium closely censored by the regime.

Journalism in Iraqi Kurdistan

There is no doubt that Kurdish fortunes took an exceptional turn after the first Gulf War in 1991. It marked the establishment of the first Kurdish autonomous region and essentially de facto independence. This heralded an era of freedom and prosperity unseen in any of the neighbouring countries, enabling Iraqi Kurdistan to become a model for the surrounding region. Suddenly thousands of men came down from fighting in the mountains to a new bloodless battleground, as the freedom of the nation also inevitably meant freedom of the press.

Today, they have gone from virtually nothing to a situation where there are scores of local television stations, three main satellite television channels and an estimated 200 publications. Crucially, these figures are not dominated by Kurdish sources and a number of outlets exist for Turkmen and Assyrian minorities in the region, as the Kurdish administrations have tried to create a montage of diversity within the region.

With the opening of the gateway to the outside world, journalists in Kurdistan are becoming better and can reach out to a wider audience. This along with the common use of English, which is fast becoming the second language in the Kurdish-administered region, ensures contact between journalists and other countries. This has served to strengthen the Kurdish cause even further and also offers the opportunity of showcasing the economic, strategic and historical potential of the region to the outside world. Domestically, journalism has served to reach out to the public and to reinforce nationalism and identity.

However, Iraqi Kurdistan is governed by two separate administrations, dominated by the KDP (Kurdish Democrat Party) and PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) respectively. This has essentially served to monopolise some of the press freedoms and as a result means most publications are required to be registered and approved by the government under the old Iraqi Law of Associations. They are “filtered” to ensure compliance to party principles and ideals.

With the regions governed by the KDP and PUK, it is understandable that the media would be dominated by both parties, essentially protecting and placating the parties in each administration. For example, the only two dailies are the KDP’s Xabat and PUK’s Kurdistani Nuwe. Along with numerous weekly and monthly publications, each has popular and highly successful satellite channels broadcasting to the Kurdish community.

Until a more productive and wide-ranging economy can be sustained, long-term investment in publications will be difficult, as there are few individuals in a position to buy a newspaper. Free enterprise has been promoted extensively by both the KDP and the PUK but, at present, most finances are controlled by either party.

Furthermore, although post-1991 has witnessed an educational boom with a somewhat wiser and more knowledgeable youth, Kurdish prosperity both in general and in the press can only be strengthened by the public taking greater interest in developments in Iraqi Kurdistan and in greater Kurdistan.

Despite this, last year witnessed a number of promising independent publications springing up - the long-term survival of these, however, is uncertain. Most struggle due to lack of adequate equipment, finances and trained journalists.

The state of journalism

Journalism has taken great strides since the days of the Saddam regime, where journalism was largely underground and not an established profession. However, journalism in Kurdistan is still under development and many sources in Kurdistan rely on the extensive knowledge of the Kurdish diaspora.

The many independent publications, including Time, Terozh and Bedirxan, are solely written by volunteers or journalism students, with an emphasis on promoting Kurdish culture and society than earning a living. Two new journalist unions have worked to bridge some of these gaps. Journalistic training is still lacking but is gradually improving.

The London-based institute for War and Peace Reporting (WPR), under a scheme designed to encourage freelance reporting, recently set up training courses in Arbil to teach objective news reporting and the ethics of journalism.

Importantly Kurdish media, particularly in Iraqi Kurdistan, has moved away from being embroiled in politics to concentrate on other subjects, such as culture, art and entertainment. A good sign of a productive press is variety and diversity and Kurdistan is slowly making progress.

The advent of the Hewler Globe

The Hewler Globe, a weekly newspaper printed in Arbil, is unique in many ways. Not only does it aim to break away from traditional “red carpet” journalism, where tiptoeing beneath the lines of tolerance and fulfilling conservative expectations is common, but it is also the first English-based newspaper in Iraq. It aims to overcome many of the obstacles facing independent publications.

First, it is not party-sponsored and concentrates on a wide range of issues concerning the general public and not just the elite. With English increasingly spoken in the region, it reaches out to Kurds and also Assyrians, Turkmen and particularly Arabs. It is also a useful tool for Europeans and the Americans eager to read news and information about the region.

Most significantly, it has a credible international following and is available on the Internet. The Hewler Globe has attempted to plug the journalistic knowledge gap by relying on journalists and analysts in the diaspora. They are often well-known figures or have strong academic profiles; some may have fled the area due to oppression. However, the key weakness is that the non English-speaking Kurdish community has no access to this publication.

In conclusion, while the media has matured and flourished in a short space of time, the number of media sources is not necessarily an indication of a productive and independent press. The press is by no means censored to the extent seen across others parts of Kurdistan, but without greater financial assistance and journalistic training the media will remain impoverished.

Publications subsidised and reliant on the KDP or PUK for funding will not be as respected and comprehensive as their main party-based counterparts. Conversely, without party funding, an independent press will not survive.

Democracy and a flourishing media in the UK and the West took hundreds of years to develop, so credit must be given for the marked gains of Iraqi Kurdistan in such a short time. The foundations of an independent press have been laid, but there is still a long way to go.