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Dissecting the public consultation process

By David Flint - posted Monday, 23 June 2008


The Summit decided that the first stage in becoming a republic was to end ties with the UK. This was passed by the governance panel and noted, and apparently widely approved, at the plenary session. No one apparently noticed the fundamental and embarrassing error in the document. But the next day, Macquarie Radio’s Alan Jones pointed out the embarrassing fact that even the residual ties the States had clung to, were removed in 1986.

So the Summit record was surreptitiously changed after a ten-day delay and without any vote. In its place now is a new first stage: a call for a plebiscite. This was not only to get around the embarrassment of relying on such an elementary error of law and fact, it also advantaged the conservative republicans. It allowed them to score a stunning victory over their enemies, the “direct elect” republicans who want the people to elect the president.

But this was not done properly. There was no discussion and a vote, as it was at the Convention. Doing it on the sly has more to do with Orwell’s 1984 than transparent democratic processes.

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The “direct elect” republicans yet haven’t notice this. When they do, they will be screaming. This change in the record eliminated Kim Beazley’s second plebiscite, which was to choose the form of republic, and which was included in the 2004 Senate report, The Road to a Republic.

The slower conservative republicans hadn’t grasped the fact that this second plebiscite guaranteed the referendum will be on the direct elect model. One time monarchist, Australian Catholic University Vice Chancellor Greg Craven has been taking them aside for years to explain this. Rather than producing the “wrong” republic, he says a referendum on the “direct elect” model will only delay any republic. Once the people see it will produce serious instability, he says, it would result in an even bigger defeat than in 1999.

Not only King Charles III but also King William V will reign over this land, he predicts.

In the meantime, when the Summit accounts went to Senate Estimates (PDF 1.04MB) we learned that the “jobs for the boys” - and girls - ethic still prevails. Confirming revelations in The Age, a company owned by a staffer and run by his wife was paid $56,000. The co-chairman’s office charged $317,000 for “cost recovery”. And a number of juicy appointments were made without any tender process.

Howard also did this when he appointed Sinclair and Jones. But the difference was they didn’t charge, and they had the opposite view to him on a republic. And both proved to be more than up to the job.

When the Convention finally made up its mind and called for a republic, but then rejected every model, Howard immediately did the sensible thing. He announced he would put the model preferred by an overwhelming majority of republican delegates to the referendum. For this he received rare and enthusiastic praise from the republicans, the media and the political class.

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Rudd instead has talked about shaking trees, saying the government would indicate its views probably at the end of the year. He realises a referendum is doomed and so, probably, is a plebiscite. But having the issue simmering keeps the elites and the “serious” media on side. The excitement about a republic at the Summit demonstrates that.

So are we likely to see a review, a committee or even a whole new agency with a mission, vision and key performance indicators to “progress” the issue?

The contrast between the Rudd and Howard styles could not be more stark.

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About the Author

David Flint is a former chairman of the Australian Press Council and the Australian Broadcasting Authority, is author of The Twilight of the Elites, and Malice in Media Land, published by Freedom Publishing. His latest monograph is Her Majesty at 80: Impeccable Service in an Indispensable Office, Australians for Constitutional Monarchy, Sydney, 2006

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