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Pride in the future: the politics of Iran's space program

By Abolghasem Bayyenat - posted Friday, 8 July 2011


 

Iran’s main goal for developing satellite technology is presence in space not for the sake of military technologies incidental to a space program but for the strategic and political benefits emanating from the very space presence itself. Possessing the technology to build satellites and lunch them into space gives Iran strategic benefits in both civilian and military arenas over the long run . Self-sufficiency in the production and launch of satellites to provide telecommunications and possible military reconnaissance services is an important national security goal for Iran. Iran’s arch rivals in the region either already possess such technologies or can rely on Western support for providing these services. Facing a hostile West, Iran cannot rely on already-existing satellite services and technologies and thus has to help itself.

Iran’s national self-image

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The advantages of a space program do not remain confined to its technical applications for Iran. Political motivations are also a driving force behind Iran’s growing space program. Space activities along with nuclear power and stem cell research, in which Iran has made significant investments over the past few decades, possess symbolic value for Iran as vanguard scientific field. By developing its capacities in advanced scientific and technological fields, Iran also aims to develop a new national self-image and improve its international prestige.

Iran’s national self-image has been influenced by the experience of great power interference in its internal affairs over the past two centuries. While Iran was one of the few countries in Asia and Africa which escaped direct colonization in the height of great power scramble for colonies in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, in large part as a result of great power rivalry between Tsarist Russia and Britain, it did experience indirect colonial domination or what later came to be known as neo-colonialism. To Iranians, the experience of neo-colonial domination signified Iran’s absolute and , by far more dramatic, relative decline in scientific, military and economic power over the past several centuries. For a nation once at the forefront of world civilizations, this experience of decline provoked national soul-searching by both religious and secular intellectuals and highlighted the need for a national renaissance.

Iran’s efforts at expediting its scientific and technological development over the past few decades demonstrate Iran’s strong desire to break into the rank of technologically-developed nations of the world and bid farewell to its status as a Third World country. The statements of various top Iranian officials to the effect that Iran has now entered the space club and the nuclear club or that it has become a pioneering country in stem cell research all signify Iran’s struggle to redefine its national self and to acquire a new global status. Similarly, the recent statement by Iran’s Defense Minister General Ahmad Vahidi that the successful launch of the Rasad satellite into orbit is “ good news for all those who think of Iran’s glory,” can be interpreted along the same lines.

Iranian officials have set ambitious goals for their space program. The national goal of landing an Iranian astronaut on the moon by 2025 may not seem realistic to outside observers but it has the effect of creating pride in the future for Iranian citizens and boosting their national self-image while also promoting Iran’s international prestige. The Iranian state can also benefit form enhanced political legitimacy at home. Scientific and technological achievements present the image of an efficient and competent government to the public thus increasing their trust in the state. This increased stock of social capital can go a long way in helping the government survive other possible shortcomings and inefficiencies along the way.

In light of the above and before rushing to condemn Iran’s space activities and raising the specter of a nuclear-armed Iran firing long-range ballistic nuclear missiles into European capitals and American cities, U.S. and other Western policy makers would be better served paying due attention to the politics of Iran’s scientific and technological development in general and how the historical context has influenced Iran’s model of development in particular. A close look into the political roots of Iran’s actions should serve as a check on paranoid reactions to Iran’s scientific and technological achievements in the West.

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About the Author

Abolghasem Bayyenat is an independent political analyst and is currently completing his Ph.D studies in political science at Syracuse University. His articles and commentaries have appeared in a dozen of newspapers and online journals. He has also recently launched his weblog Iran Diplomacy Watch, where he will be covering Iran’s foreign policy developments on a regular basis.

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